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2010年1月22日 (金)

ニューヨーク・タイムズにまで書かれた、東京痴犬特捜部(笑)

8・30の勝利⇒7・11天王山決戦勝利!
↓植草さんのココログへ、、右バナーは モルダウ(我が祖国)スメタナ。
8・30勝利記念バナー

 

 先ず、フリーランスのジャーナリスト、岩上安身さんのTwitterです。

iwakamiyasumi ご主人様からのお叱り(笑) RT @0316peke: RT @kantandesu: ついにニューヨークタイムズにまっとうな解説記事が出た。旧体制の守護者を任ずる検察という小さなエリート集団が日本にはあるそうな。http://bit.ly/8gTTEu
4:20 PM Jan 20th from movatwitter

Japan Stalls as Leaders Are Jolted by Old Guard
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/20/world/asia/20japan.html

Ichiro Ozawa, right, the architect of the Democrats' election victory last year, in Parliament this month. He is the latest party leader to be investigated by the powerful Public Prosecutors Office.

By MARTIN FACKLER
Published: January 19, 2010

TOKYO — It had all the trappings of a typical political scandal in a nation that has seen all too many of them: stacks of cash from construction companies, shady land deals and late-night arrests of grim-faced political aides widely seen as fall guys for their powerful bosses.

But the unfolding investigation into possible financial irregularities by the kingpin of the governing party, Ichiro Ozawa, has also gripped Japan for a very different reason. It has turned into a public battle between the country’s brash new reformist leaders and one of the most powerful institutions of its entrenched postwar establishment: the Public Prosecutors Office.

In a sign of the changing times here, the standoff has brought an unusual outpouring of criticism not just of Mr. Ozawa but also of the enormous discretionary powers of the prosecutors, a small corps of elite investigators long cheered here as the scourge of corrupt business leaders and politicians.

It has raised questions as well about whether the prosecutors have not also become something else: chief defenders of the nation’s stodgy status quo, the powerful and largely unaccountable bureaucracy that Mr. Ozawa’s Democratic Party has vowed to bring to heel after defeating the long-governing Liberal Democrats last summer.

“This scandal has put Japan’s democracy in danger,” said Nobuo Gohara, a former prosecutor who now teaches public policy at Meijo University. “This is the bureaucratic system striking back to protect itself from challengers, in this case elected leaders.”

The latest developments came over the weekend, when prosecutors arrested a Democratic lawmaker and two other former aides of Mr. Ozawa, a skilled but shadowy backroom political operator who was the architect of the Democrats’ historic election victory. It is the latest in a string of investigations by prosecutors into Democratic leaders, including one last month into misreported political funds of the new prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, that have sapped public support for the fledgling government.

However, instead of meekly offering apologies, as many an accused politician has in the past, the Democrats are fighting back. At a party convention over the weekend in Tokyo, Mr. Ozawa called for “all-out confrontation” with the prosecutors.

“We absolutely cannot accept this way of doing things,” he told an applauding crowd. “If they can get away with this with impunity, the outlook is gloomy for Japanese democracy.”

More shocking for many here was support of Mr. Ozawa given by Mr. Hatoyama, who as prime minister has legal powers to exert political control over the prosecutors — something that only one prime minister has ever exercised since World War II.

“I trust him. Please go ahead and fight” with the prosecutors, Mr. Hatoyama said, according to newspaper reports.

Mr. Hatoyama later promised not to influence the investigation, which political experts say will almost certainly invite a severe public backlash. Still, his party’s resistance has helped encourage widespread criticism among scholars and some parts of the news media that the prosecutors are conducting a vendetta against the Democrats because of their promise to rein in the bureaucracy, of which the Prosecutors Office, an appendage of the Justice Ministry, is a potent part.

Mr. Gohara and other critics do not so much defend Mr. Ozawa, a master of the machine-style politics of the Liberal Democrats, as criticize what they see as the selective justice meted out by the prosecutors, who come down hard on challengers to Japan’s postwar establishment while showing leniency to insiders.

These suspicions have been brewing since early last year, when an earlier investigation into separate fund-raising irregularities forced Mr. Ozawa to resign as leader of the Democrats on the eve of crucial national elections. Critics noted that prosecutors focused solely on Mr. Ozawa while declining to pursue Liberal Democratic lawmakers who were also named as taking money from the same company, Nishimatsu Construction.

Then came the second scandal, which broke about a month ago. Some political experts describe these repeated inquiries into Mr. Ozawa as signs that the prosecutors are acting as a sort of immune system for Japan’s establishment, springing into action against a politician who they fear is accumulating excessive power with his near-total control of the governing party’s purse strings.

Others describe a feud going back to prosecutors’ arrest in the 1970s of Mr. Ozawa’s mentor from his days in the L.D.P., former Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka, and say prosecutors fear Mr. Ozawa may be seeking the upper hand after he created a special party committee last year that called on the prime minister to exert more control over the prosecutors.

“The prosecutors fear Ozawa may be trying to turn Japan into his own private empire,” said Yoshiaki Kobayashi, a political scientist at Keio University.

The debate has focused unusual public scrutiny on Japan’s 2,600 public prosecutors, who are a force unlike any in the justice systems of the United States and other Western democracies. The Prosecutors Office has the right not only to choose whom to investigate and when, but to arrest and detain suspects for weeks before filing charges, in effect giving them powers of the police, attorneys general and even judges all rolled into one.

Prosecutors are traditionally drawn from the cream of young law students who have passed Japan’s demanding bar exams. They are known for lightning raids on the offices and homes of their suspects, with lines of stone-faced prosecutors in dark suits marching determinedly past a phalanx of reporters and photographers, tipped off about the raid minutes before.

Indeed, media experts say the prosecutors enjoy close ties with the major news media outlets, which has led to generally positive coverage of the investigation into Mr. Ozawa.

News reports have followed a predictable pattern of stories based on leaks from prosecutors with emerging details of the $4 million that prosecutors believe he tried to hide by investing it in land in Tokyo. Just as predictably, this negative coverage has turned public opinion against Mr. Ozawa, with most people saying he has not adequately explained where the money came from.

Outraged, the Democrats have vowed to strike back by organizing a team of lawmakers to investigate the prosecutors’ use of leaks to sway coverage.

“This scandal shows how much the new administration is making waves,” said Mr. Gohara, the former prosecutor, “but also how the old system will fight back.”

 

 フィナンシャル・タイムズにもw。

Powers of Japan’s prosecutors questioned
http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/6e5c6bb8-0751-11df-a9b7-00144feabdc0.html

By Mure Dickie in Tokyo

Published: January 22 2010 16:47 | Last updated: January 22 2010 16:47

Nobody knows better than Norio Munakata the power enjoyed by members of the elite special investigation unit of the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors’ Office, which has been investigating aides of Ichiro Ozawa, the secretary-general of the ruling Democratic party of Japan.

As a former head of the unit and leader of one of its most prominent corruption investigations in the late 1980s, Mr Munakata revelled in his ability to use extended detentions and tough interrogations to bring even the most senior suspected wrongdoers to account.

EDITOR’S CHOICE
Investigators close on DPJ’s linchpin - Jan-22
Ozawa to face prosecutors in Japan land probe - Jan-21
Japan prosecutors target DPJ chief - Jan-14
Ozawa defiant as arrests risk undermining DPJ - Jan-18

"It felt really great because we weren't afraid of anything," says Mr Munakata, who now works as a lawyer.

But while he and his colleagues won renown for their role in snaring a series of senior politicians, disquiet about the extent of prosecutorial authority has been highlighted this month by the arrest of aides to Mr Ozawa.

Critics complain that a lack of effective judicial oversight essentially allows prosecutors to hold suspects at will for months – meaning that even the innocent might be browbeaten into confessions.

Meanwhile, the willingness of mainstream media to report accounts of interrogations leaked by investigators means suspects' names are often thoroughly blackened long before they are charged.

Indeed, the apparent unaccountability of the special investigation unit has fuelled allegations from supporters of Mr Ozawa and some analysts that it is acting as an arm of the bureaucratic establishment to tame the reformist new DPJ government.

Mr Munakata waves aside such accusations, saying that in his experience it is evidence rather than politics that drives the unit's decisions on who to target. He has little time for the idea that prosecutors feel threatened by DPJ plans to require future interrogations to be recorded, or by the potential for Mr Ozawa to influence the appointment of a new prosecutor-general.

But the former investigator does agree that prosecutors now have too much power and that there should be more checks on their authority – for example from judges who approve detentions.

The media should also report investigations in a more balanced way, he says, rather than just relying on leaks or one-sided accounts funnelled through journalist clubs attached to the prosecutors’ office.

“The prosecutors have a lot of power,” he says. “Suspects, the accused and their lawyers are all weak. . . In future, the mass media must take the side of the weak."

Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2010. You may share using our article tools. Please don't cut articles from FT.com and redistribute by email or post to the web.

 

 植草さんの主権者国民レジスタンス戦線結成の呼びかけ に賛同します。

 幅300px。二コマのコマ送りタイプです。

主権者は私たち国民レジスタンスバナー

 ↓以下のバナーは↑上記バナーの二コマをバラしたもの。

主権者は私たち国民レジスタンスバナー

主権者は私たち国民レジスタンスバナー

 

 幅370px。二コマのコマ送りタイプです。

主権者は私たち国民レジスタンスバナー

 ↓以下のバナーは↑上記バナーの二コマをバラしたもの。

主権者は私たち国民レジスタンスバナー

主権者は私たち国民レジスタンスバナー 

 

自End!(自エンド)8・30「祝!政権交代」勝利記念バナー、国民が主人公の政治を

 

 政権交代確定後、31日午後に制作したバナーです。植草バナー「心を一つにし断固闘う」シリーズ最後のバナーです。

 「政権交代後、一歩前進慢心せず断固実現主権者は私たち」版。

政権交代後、一歩前進慢心せず断固実現主権者は私たち 政権交代後、一歩前進慢心せず断固実現主権者は私たち

 

クリックで拡大、「攻撃されているのは~」コマの説明
攻撃されているのは小沢氏ではない権力による民衆の希望への攻撃なのです

守ってあげたい / 荒井由実

 ↓大林宏は、関係者によるとw(笑)、漆間と連携・共謀し民主党党首小沢氏を選挙直前を狙い国策捜査。また5月から導入の米国猿まね裁判員制度では盛んに広報していた。さらに郵政詐欺選挙直後のどさくさには共謀罪導入をしようとしていた。その人物像は治安維持法下の特高警察あるいは思想検事。(関連

↓クリックで和製ヒムラーの漆間巌
国策捜査、裁判員制度、共謀罪の推進者大林宏糾弾バナー

国策捜査で自公の犬、検事総長樋渡利秋糾弾バナー

 

 主権者国民の上に検察がいて政治を壟断するかの状況は許せない。腐敗法務官僚法匪を粛正せよ!

↓クリックするとさらに大きくなります。

↓クリックするとさらに大きくなります。

 

 自Endポスターバナーの第52作目です。クリックすると日本社会を荒廃させた小泉・竹中路線のなれのはてと2005・9・11小泉のワンフレーズ郵政詐欺選挙糾弾バナーが出ます。
※追記:その後、特捜の佐久間達哉が在米日本大使館1等書記官で赴任していたと言う話がネットで出てます。米国と言えば連想するのはCIA。
国策捜査を白状した漆間巌官房副長官(事務)元警察庁長官(笑)

 

良質なブログ・情報への入口、中継点を目指します。毎日ワンクリックで自公糾弾
人気blogランキングバナー ニュース・一般/政治」ブログランキング参加中。

 

 TBPのライブリンクをサイドエリアへはりたければ⇒一輪のバラをクリック。

 特にココログの場合で、即行でライブリンクをサイドエリアへはりたければ⇒一輪のバラをクリック。(なお、作業する時にはTBP自民党政治の所を適宜読み替えてください)

倭国大乱を記録するブログの数々♪ブログリストとイメージソングその1その2その3その4その5その6その7。人生の扉 昴 春よ、来い 宙船(そらふね) 地球兄弟 やさしさに包まれたなら 愛は勝つです。

自民党は自Endバナー 自民党は自Endバナー の猫ちゃんつながりにトラックバックしたブログをすべて「倭国大乱を記録するブログの数々」として見つける毎に適宜追加していきます。
(↑クリックするとさらに大きなバナーが出ます(汗))

以下のトラックバック・ピープルに参加してます。
民主党に愛のムチを! いいニャ~自Endバナー
民主党政治と      自民党政治

TBP「社民党や共産党」バナー
主権者は私たち国民と 社民党や共産党
トラックバックしてます。(各バナーとも、クリックでスタート記事に飛びます)

郵政民営化凍結野党共闘政治全般にもす。

※爪ヤスリなら日本の職人さんのいいのをお勧めします。(関連投稿
↓下の広告は単にブランド好きの方向けです。

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« 原口総務相のTwitterに注目せよ!公務員守秘義務違反の検察リーク垂れ流しマスゴミがメディアスクラムで総攻撃の気配。 | トップページ | ハトミミ.COMお聴かせください、あなたの想い⇒主権者は私たち国民BBSで知った鳩山氏に声届けるこのルート活用せにゃ損 »

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この記事へのトラックバック一覧です: ニューヨーク・タイムズにまで書かれた、東京痴犬特捜部(笑):

» 【冤罪】犬察の狗たる惨経が何をほざいても、取り調べの全面可視化を実現すべきだ【人権侵害】 [ステイメンの雑記帖 ]
 ↑ 01月22日付け 惨経珍聞 朝刊大阪版より  江戸時代以来、自白偏重主義を続ける旧態依然とした日本の事件捜査では、冤罪の発生が後を絶たない。むしろ現在再審が行われている足利事件でも判るように、 警察・犬察が犯人をでっち上げているケース さえ存在する。  またその場合、警察・犬察は真犯人を取り逃がしているわけであり、二重の意味でその罪は大きい!  さらに、一度犯人にでっち上げられ有罪が確定してしまったら、あとで冤罪だと判明してもその 警察・犬察によって犯人に仕立て上げられてしまった人やその家族の... [続きを読む]

受信: 2010年1月23日 (土) 17時59分

« 原口総務相のTwitterに注目せよ!公務員守秘義務違反の検察リーク垂れ流しマスゴミがメディアスクラムで総攻撃の気配。 | トップページ | ハトミミ.COMお聴かせください、あなたの想い⇒主権者は私たち国民BBSで知った鳩山氏に声届けるこのルート活用せにゃ損 »